THE GOSPEL
IMPERATIVE is broken.
The pay gap
between the highest and lowest paid in the UK has grown faster than in any
other developed country, spiking since 2005. In 2008, average income of the top
10 per cent was twelve times that of the lowest. Their riches wax. We others
are told to tighten our belts. Tax rates for the wealthiest have dropped, even
as the gap between the merely rich and the utterly wealthy has grown.
We’re approaching
Victorian levels of inequality, and London’s more unequal than anywhere else in
the country. Here, the richest 10 per cent hold two-thirds of all the wealth,
the poorest half; one-twentieth. A
fifth of working residents in the London boroughs of Brent, Newham, Waltham
Forest, Barking and Dagenham earn less than the living wage. Unemployment
(2012) in the city is above 400,000, and rising. Almost a quarter of young
Londoners are out of work. A wrenching 40 per cent of London children live in
poverty.
The numbers
mean death. Travel the grey Jubilee line. Eight stops, east from Westminster to
Canning Town. Each stop, local life expectancy goes down a year.
From where
you’ve got out, over the river you can see the dome, the blister-memento of
London’s pathetic millennium.
Stagnation
and money cataclysm. Boardroom pay goes up 50 percent. Still, in London, defenders
of privilege aren’t quite so prone to swagger as their U.S. counterparts. Yes,
magazines like Hello and Heat, programs like Made in Chelsea, celebrate conspicuous consumption by celebrities
and local gilded youth. Yes, the Financial
Times How To Spend It supplement, a guide to luxury and chic commodities,
is enough to make a placid liberal nostalgic for the guillotine.
But the
propaganda never fully took. 1998: Lord Mandelson, New Labour grandee, declares
that Labour –that traditionally working-class party – is ‘intensely relaxed
about people getting filthy rich.’ People, though, refuse to forget that the filthy
riches of the filthy rich are not unrelated to the filthy poverty of others.
The declaration remains infamous.
Arguments
for swollen pay packets among London’s 1 per cent and their apparatchiks tend
to have a semi-apologetic, semi-sulky ring: it’s necessity, the global; market,
the like-it-or-not real world. Not, as might be more common on Wall Street, moral right. Ineluctibility as self-justification: its fans
cite the City of London’s strength, its riches, as a reason not to target its
riches, its strengths.
We slump
under sado-monetarism. There are other ways. For years Alan Freeman was an
economists with the Greater London Authority, working with both mayors. He
leans forward in his chair, explaining what’s wrong with London’s still-massive
economy, and how to fix it. ’Build two million homes . . .edufare in the place
of workfare . . .invest in innovation. Quintuple government funding of R&D,
extent R&D to the arts . . .put growth back and (I’s easy to show) the tax
coffers will overflow.’
Statues of
dragons punctuate the streets of the City, symbols of the area. Less Beasts of
Revelation than priggish, arch draconine bureaucrats, more tetchy than rampant.
But they guard the gold like Smaug.
In 2010, THE
Labour Party was pushed out of government, and the Conservatives joined forces
with the Liberal Democrats to take power. The conventional, if misleading, transatlantic
analogy is that of Labour to the Democrats and the Conservatives to the
Republicans. What, then, is the Liberal Democratic Party?
A mooncalf
formulation. Fag-end descendent of Whigs, anti-trade union social democrats,
free traders, social liberals, beachcombing disparate inspirations. The
rightward lurch of the Labour Party under Blair allowed the LibDems to accrete
a certain sheen. Which tarnished at astonishing rate when thy became part of
the ConDem government –such a pitch-perfect portmanteau – signing up to and off
on the Thatcherite agenda, privatization in the health service, cutting the
Education Maintenance Allowance that helped lower-income school students, undermining
comprehensive education in state schools by pushing selection, the siphoning off
of preferred [pupils, creating a zero-sum game among proliferating local
schools, attacking any nominal agenda of universalism. Belinda Benn,
educationalist, calls the model ‘rigid centralization with widespread privatization.
They tore up the promise not to increase university tuition fees. That last in
particular helped radicalize a wave of students whose protests in 2010 started
the backlash that, with fits and starts, continues.
Today the
default demeanor of the LibDem politician is chippy defensiveness, plus/minus
shame. Their left wing performs its lachrymosity and discomfort, their rugged
pro-marketeers – like the Deputy Prime Minister and party leader Nick Clegg-
mutter about hard choices. Once a soi-disant
progressive alternative, now they are Tory-enablers.
The economy toilets. Prices rise during a
hecatomb of services. Libraries are closing. Social services are slashed. ‘What
else’, laments the front page of the Kilburn
Times, ‘is left for them to cut?’ People are fighting to stand still,
whatever line of work they’re in. . .
Lionel
Morrison considers the past. Few people are so well poised to parse this
present, of press scandals, claim and counterclaim of racism and police
misbehavior, deprivation, urban uprising. A South African radical, facing the
death penalty in 1956 for his struggles against apartheid – in his house there
is a photograph of him with one of his co-defendants, Nelson Mandela- Morrison
got out, came to London in 1960. In
1987, he became the first Black president of the National Union of Journalists.
In 2000 he was honoured by the British Government with what is, bleakly
amusingly, still called an OBE, Order of the British Empire.
We sit in
his home, between English oil portraits that must be two centuries old, and
carvings and sculptures fro the country of his birth. Is Morrison hopeful? An Optimist?
‘I’ve been
thinking about it myself,’ he says gravely, his voice still strongly accented
after all these years. ‘In a sense, I’m an optimist. But it hits and
completely, constantly kicks at this optimism, you understand?
The ‘it’ is
everything.
“It’s like a
big angry wolf having it over here. And its not prepared to move, and sometimes
its legs will go, but slow.’ He mimes the animal moving, leaving a little
space, a little hole, an exit. ‘And people will say “Ah, we’ve got it!” And
then chop, it goes again. His hands come down, the wolf’s grasp closes.
Outside,
north London gets on with its dark. There’s an apocalypse more wintery than in
Jonathan Martin’s conflagration. At the end of all things, Fenris-wolf will eat
the sun. Its expression will e of nothing but greed, and it will look out at
nothing.
Lionel
Morrison doesn’t sound despairing. But he does sound tired.
‘Every time you
do something and nothing goes any further, it eats at you,’ he says. ‘It starts
this bitterness.’ He says the word
slowly. ‘And I think this is one of the most terrible things that can take
place . . . many become hopeless . .. it just breaks them down, and they think,
“no, I want nothing more to do with this.” And then you find others who think, “Well,
doing this and nothing happens? Well, let us just wait for things to –for chaos,
really, to take place.”’
http://www.londonsoverthrow.org/