Much as Goldman enjoyed living in St. Tropez, she yearned to
return to the United States, the country in which she had first become an
anarchist. The months she spent in Canada, so close to her former home, only
sharpened her longing. She often expressed this desire to her comrades, and
viewed the United States as the ripest earth in which to plant her anarchist
ideas. “Oh, Sasha dearest, if only I could be in America now,” she wrote
Alexander Berkman in 1932. “For another five years intense activity I would
gladly give the balance of years still left to me.”
To Emma, America was “the land of the Walt Whitmans, the
Lloyd Garrisons, the Thoreaus, the Wendell Phillips, the country of Young
Americans of life and thought, or of art and letters; the America of the new
generation knocking at the door, of men and women of ideals, with aspirations
for a better day; the America of social rebellion and spiritual promise, of the
glorious “undesireables” against whom all the exile, expropriation and deportation
laws were aimed. It was to THAT America,” she declared passionately, “that I am
proud to belong.”
Over an extended period she pursued her quest to return,
seeking the help of powerful friends, including American Civil Liberties Union
founder Roger Baldwin.
The authority to grant permission for an anarchist deportee
to reenter the country rested with the secretary of labor, Francis Perkins, and
on December 27, 1933, Baldwin informed Emma that he had opened channels with
Colonel Daniel W. MacCormack, the commissioner general of the Immigration and
Naturalization Service. “One will do whatever he directs, because he is really speaking
for Miss Perkins and the President. As a matter of fact,” Baldwin added, “I
happen to know that Mrs. Roosevelt read your book [Living My Life] with great interest. She spoke highly of it to a
friend of mine.”
Emma wanted Sasha to apply for a visa and come with her, but
he would have none of it. He did not
share her confidence that America now would be more open to her ideas. Berkman never felt the pure, sentimental tug
of a homeland or missed his adopted nation – he cared about his anarchist
creed, not any one country. His experience in Russia and his passport problems
in Europe had only made him more hostile to government bureaucracy. Moreover, a significant portion of his years
in America had been spent suffering in prison, the resulting trauma a lifelong
burden whereas Emma, despite dealing with persecution and frustrating obstacles,
had enjoyed decades of lectures and laurels, travels and revelry, comforts and
kindnesses.
Roger Baldwin was aided in his efforts on Goldman’s behalf
by a “committee,” said Emma proudly, “consisting of the best known people in
art, letters and the liberal movement,” including Sherwood Anderson, John
Dewey, Sinclair Lewis, Margaret Sanger, and John Hayes Holmes. It was organized
by activist Mabel Carver Crouch.
The group directed a flurry of letters to Secretary Perkins
pleading for Emma’s homecoming. “I am very sure, Miss Perkins,” said Sherwood
Anderson, “we both look upon her as a great old warrior and I hope there will
be some way – without too much noise – of letting her come back into America.
Educational reformer Dorothy Canfield Fisher noted that Goldman wanted to return “for
the purpose of giving some public lectures.
The cause of freedom of speech could not be, I feel, better served than
by allowing this serious woman to address American audiences,” she said. Eugene O’Neil assured Perkins that “Miss
Goldman has the admiration and respect of many of the leading citizens in this
country, and thousands would welcome her re-entry to this country.”
Along with this glittering deluge of entreaties, Baldwin
negotiated the delicate details of the agreement. The government issued a rigid
requirement that Goldman offer no lecture or remarks of a political nature though
the parameters of this directive were hazy. In fact, Emma had always been one if not the most exciting and accomplished public speakers
of her age. Her standard repertoire included speeches on drama, the arts, and
her autobiography; also anarchism, Communism, and lately, conditions in
Germany, the rise of Nazism, the threat of Adolf Hitler, and fascism in
Europe. Even her tamest topics could veer
into the controversial, and whether Living
My Life should be characterized as literature or politics was a matter of
some debate.
Baldwin advised Emma to engage A.L. Ross to argue on her
behalf and Ross went to Washington D.C., to handle the legal aspects while
Baldwin dealt directly with the administration.
Shortly thereafter, Ross cabled Goldman with the good news. Her
application had been approved; she would be allowed to remain in the country for
ninety days, beginning February 1, 1934.
Emma’s return was met with curiosity but little outcry;
President Roosevelt’s America was a rather different place from the country
from which Emma was deported in 1919.
Lecture agencies immediately offered to represent her, and a number of
groups signed up to hear her speak. Many
in the public now regarded her as a bold woman with a complicated past, rather
than a chilling specter of chaos. Even so, nor everyone was pleased with “Red
Emma’s” reappearance. Editorials
objecting to the visit ran in newspapers around the country, and some irate
citizens took pains to make their sentiments known.
“I believe her to be a grave menace to this country,” wrote
Murray Miller to Eleanor Roosevelt. “The assassin of President McKinley said it
was her influence which induced him to commit that atrocious crime. I am
afraid that she may have designs upon the life of our beloved President
Roosevelt. He is accomplishing so much wonderful work that anarchists do not
want this country to regain its former prosperity. It would be her first
thought, I suggest, to remove him, or have it done.”
“Thank you very much for your solicitude and interest in the
President,” replied Mrs. Roosevelt. “He is very carefully protected and, in any
case, Emma Goldman is now a very old woman. I really think that this country can
stand the shock of her presence for ninety days. I appreciate your writing,
however, and hope you have not been unduly alarmed.”
When the day came, Emma took the train from Toronto to Niagara
Falls and continued on to Rochester where she was reunited with her extended
family of siblings and their children, and greeted by crowds of friends,
admirers, reporters and photographers.
Whereas once” ‘Red Emma’ was a name to frighten little children,” said
one reporter, now she looked “like a motherly housewife or perhaps the president
of the library committee of the local women’s club.”
Her modest appearance aside, Goldman was blunt as ever. “My
views have not changed,” she announced in Rochester. “I am still an anarchist.
I am the same. The world has changed – that’s why I haven’t had to. Everyone is an anarchist who loves liberty
and hates oppression. But not everyone wants
it for the other fellow. That is my task; I want to extend it to the other
fellow.” Emma flatly denied that while on tour she would avoid topics of politics
or the economy – “I promised nothing” – and pronounced herself free of
resentment for all that had befallen her.
“I believe in the principle of letting people think for themselves,” she
explained, “so why should I be bitter?” “ The fires have cooled somewhat in the
years, wrote one reporter, “but they still burn.”
Goldman’s first major public appearance was on February 11
in Manhattan, hosted by pastor John Haynes Holmes. According to the New York
Times, “2000 persons stormed the Community Church services in the Town Hall in
the hope of hearing her old fiery oratory.
They heard instead a calmly delivered eulogy of the Russian anarchist
Peter Kropotkin . . . Only once, when she denounced Hitler, did
her voice ring with the indignation that formerly provoked her sympathizers and
opponents to stormy demonstrations.” Except for this outburst, Goldman came
across as a “mild gray-haired woman” in a black dress and red and gold shawl.
As far as Arthur Ross was concerned, however, Emma had pushed
the boundaries of her visa agreement. “I personally vouched that Emma would
make no political speeches and then the first thing she did was make a political
speech! It was about Kropotkin and it was quite an occasion . . .
Town Hall was packed., and people were hanging from the chandeliers. I thought
the upper gallery would collapse, it was so heavy with people.”
Emma spent a good deal of time in Chicago where she found
time for romance when she met Frank Heiner, a sociologist at the University of
Chicago. Heiner was in his mid-thirties,
and had been blind since the age of three months. He was a knowledgeable anarchist
scholar, as well as a skilled writer and speaker. He also had a wife and two
children but for Emma this was not a deterrent.
“Heiner is the greatest event in the last seventeen years,”
she confided to Sasha, “He combines all that I had longed for and dreamed about
all my life and never achieved.” Her bliss, however, was bittersweet. “Here, I had
longed for so many years for fulfillment of love with someone who would share
my ideas and ideals, blend harmoniously with my tastes and desire,” she said
six months after meeting him. “And now at sixty-five when all this riches is
laid at my feet, it is only for a fleeting moment.”
After the pair consummated their relationship, they
exchanged heated love letters. “Oh, my Frank, if only I could make you understand
how completely you have fulfilled me,” Emma wrote. “No, not only physically,
but intellectually, and spiritually as well. Frank, my Frank I long for you
with every fiber of my being.” Emma, in
turn, was Heiner’s “Goddess.” “I could not love you more. You are my true love,
my own supreme, complete love, the love of my life.” He told her.
Emma was thrilled to be back on American soil, delighted to
reconnect with her old friends and revisit her favorite haunts. Although she
took issue with the president’s policies – neither she nor Sasha had any faith
in the New Deal – the nation’s energy excited her. “True, America remains naïve,
childish in many respects in comparison to the sophistication of Europe,” she
said to Sasha. “But I prefer its naivety, there is youth in it, there is still
the spirit of adventure, there is something refreshing and stimulating in the
air.”
From a financial standpoint, Emma’s lecture tour was a
failure. Some segments of the circuit were inefficiently managed, and while
anarchist followers showed up with enthusiasm, many of her speeches drew small
crowds and she had difficulty filling halls. However, Goldman was routinely
observed by the authorities. One comrade who attended a speech near the end of
her tour recalled that “reporters and detectives sat in the front row, writing
down everything she said.” At times Emma was uncharacteristically circumspect with
her words; during an April event in New York, she would allow that Roosevelt “has
a very pleasant voice on the radio. Beyond that, I really wouldn’t want to say
anything.” Hitler and Mussolini, meanwhile, were dismissed jointly as a “nuisance.”
But Bureau of Investigation Director J. Edgar Hoover
considered the tone of her lectures grounds to prohibit future visits, and
prospects for another returned seemed dim. A gloomy Berkman wrote to Pauline
Turkel, “Emma’s tour was a disappointment in various ways, I believe, also
financially.” To Pierre Ramus, he noted that she “even had to borrow money for
her return ticket.” Emma herself described the tour to W. S. Van Valkenburgh
as “a complete flop.” Never-the-less, Goldman was gratified by the respectful
reception she had received. Her life was deemed “amazing” by a host of
journalists and elites, and she was recognized by some as a true admirer of the
United States after years of being branded as a traitor.
At the end of April 1934, Goldman’s three months in America
came to a close, and she departed with great reluctance. “The trip to the United
States has revived my spirit more than my fifteen years in exile,” she wrote to
Joseph Ishill before she left. “If ever I had any doubts about my having roots
in America my short visit has dispelled them completely . . .I
don’t know what it is in America, but I felt years younger and full of vigor
and enthusiasm . . . I felt a changed woman from the moment I
arrived in New York. And my departure will be more painful than it was when
Sasha and I were deported.”
But the experience was well worth the heartache, and Emma
was optimistic about the country’s future. “This is the age of youth. Youth now
has the controls. Let’s see what youth can do. The old ones made a mess of things.”
H.L. Mencken attempted to recover Goldman’s papers, confiscated by the Department of Justice during its raids on Mother Earth and The Blast. His request was denied; he was informed that the entire collection, along with all of Berkman’s records, had been destroyed. Mencken also tried to help Emma in her early quest to return to America but he had no luck.
ReplyDeleteMencken and Goldman had a curious relationship. “Mencken is not at all like his writing,” Emma observed after they were introduced briefly in Paris. “He is a man of the world, jovial, very kind, and exceedingly mild . . . I liked him immensely.” Mencken, for his part, had from afar thought Goldman an impressive person, describing her in 1924 as “one of the most notable women now extant upon this planet . . . a woman of wide and deep culture, a graceful and urban writer, an idealist of rare and often singularly winning sort.” Less flatteringly, he called her a “monomaniac” and “a naïve believer in human perfectibility, and enthusiast carried far beyond common sense, a kind of mad mullah or whirling dervish.”
Modest Stein, formerly Modska Aronstam, had not seen Sasha or Emma for fifteen years. He enjoyed a successful career as an artist, lived in an elegant apartment on Gramercy Park in N.Y.C., and had long since abandoned anarchism.. But he was rather lonely. His beloved wife had died, and his only child, Luba, was grown. In June 1929 he went to France to seek out his old friends, “the friends of his youth”. .. he traveled south to visit Emma in St. Tropez… shortly after returning top New York, Modest wrote to Emma reminding her that, despite his affection for her and Sasha, he preferred to keep a low profile and maintain his privacy.
ReplyDeleteIn November 1930 Stein received an invitation to Sasha’s sixtieth birthday party, to be held in N.Y.C., even though the guest of honor was barred from entering the United States. Stein declined to attend with a dismissive air, telling Sasha he had no interest in “all that after dinner drivel that is going to be perpetrated by all those bastards that like to hear themselves talk on the occasion of your entering your seventh decade. And to quote the invitation literally, it will be a treat as well as a tribute to a rare and beautiful soul! So your rare and beautiful soul will ascend heavenwards on the wings of cold storage chicken washed down by ‘bootleg’ gin; and the speeches of . . .numerous others, will be the sweet music speeding you on your way. I shall not attend but leave a vacant chair – a vacant chair in the midst of vacant minds!”
Sasha was deeply hurt by Modska’s attitude, pronouncing their friendship at an end. . . Emma was saddened by the rupture. . . but Berkman was unyielding. Too many miles, long years and differing views had taken their toll on the cousins; the “Twins” for the time being were estranged once more.
Stein supported Berkman financially for pretty much the rest of his life, however.