Thursday, November 10, 2022

The Prolegomena of Jean Hardouin


 

[The purpose of this post is to demonstrate the polemics of defending a conspiracy theory, which arrived fully clothed in the early modern period . Paradoxically, the one progenitor that strikes me as particularly significant would be John Calvin, who argues on the other side of the particular question. Part II summarizes the true doctrine that Jean Hardouin is protecting from conspirators]

 

Part I

I here enter upon a very important, but very invidious undertaking. It is my intention, with the assistance of God, as long as He grants me life, to show that all the writings which are commonly thought to be old, are in fact, with certain exceptions to be presently named, suppositions, and the fabrication of an unprincipled crew of literary men.

The exceptions are, the Books held by the Church to be sacred and canonical, and six Profane Writers, four Latin, two Greek. Meanwhile I do not declare war upon other writers, unless upon the enemies of the Almighty, of Christ, of the supreme Pontiff, and of Royal authority.

Surely we may be as rigid in our criticism and repudiation of false monuments from which in the slightest degree our holy Religion suffers injury, as are judges in a court when they test and reject documents which are concerned with men’s fortunes and estates, if any note of falsity appears in them. Now if there be but one faulty notation of time any instrument, a Court will decisively and with great and just indignation reject and repudiate the instrument. How much more vehemently should we vociferate, and how much more justly, when our holy Religion is assailed and undermined!

Religion itself and Christian Piety demand that we should deliver them at some lesser risk from a greater peril.  The danger is less, if the falsehood of certain facts or allegations which have hitherto obtained credit is acknowledged; but greater, nay, by far the greater danger is, if those alleged facts are left unquestioned, and so our faith is gradually injured and overthrown.

Let men, if they will, call the opinions I have here advanced ravings; I care not, so long as I can discredit the doctrines which I denounce as impious and heretical in those writings; I care not, so long as I can warn and teach my readers to abhor them, what men may think of me; I care only to preserve the faith concerning the true God, concerning Christ, concerning ever head and chapter of our holy faith, sound and whole.

What matters it, I pray you, that no one before my time said what I have just said, and that I adduce no authority or witness from the ancients in my support? Supposing that I had a forerunner, would that affect the question of truth? Or because he had long passed away, would that render him worthier of support? I pray you not to believe in men, but in sound arguments.

If I had an equal genius to any of these old writers, if a desire came into my mind to print something under the feigned name of any of those authors, whose works are believed to have perished if I were to write it on parchment, with ink specially prepared for the purpose of making the writing appear in the course of a few years some 600 or 800 years old; if I were to transfer into that work certain excerpts from old writers who are commonly supposed to be genuine and sincere, with the view to induce belief in my  work and its great age; tell me, would it not be right for any one to try and find out and detect any hidden fraud and impiety that he might suspect? Certainly he would be justified in doing so. And certainly one who is first and foremost a Catholic and a Theologian must be thought at liberty to do the like in reference to all writings which have not yet undergone such censure.

Petavius [a noted Jesuit Chronicler], for example, was the first to deny that certain works had been written by Athanasius, which the Benedictines ascribe to his authorship, and he was right. And they were also justified who revised the works ascribed to Augustine and Bernard, and who cut them down by one half, which they repudiated. They had the same acumen to discern that they were not all of the same style and vein. Tell me, am I not to enjoy the same license, when I use arguments none the less certain, nay, more convincing? The Apostle says to all, Prove all things, hold fast that which is good.

It may be asked, How could it be that the Atheism which I profess to have clearly discovered in these writings, escaped the Scholastic Theologians of former ages? But I ask in turn how it could come to pass that in this very age, when we have more Theologians, and not less gifted, this iniquity escapes them, especially considering how much clearer our books are, owing to the art of Printing? Doubtless in part the cause of this has been that when the Theologians joined hands against Heretics, they perused only those heads of Doctrine in the alleged monuments of the ‘Fathers’ on which debate had arisen; they did not arrive at the fountain-head of these Dogmata. All were intent upon the object of making the testimonies opposed to them tell in favor of their own respective parties; for example, on the Eucharist, on Penitence, on the efficacy of Grace, and other controverted heads. In this conflict each thought himself successful in proportion to his ingenuity. But if they had weighed the whole literature with the like care, had they put their fingers on the sources, had they perceived that Atheism was taught by these false ‘Fathers,’ doubtless they would have recognized the whole fraud; they would have seen that from Atheism nothing sound, nothing but what is most alien  from Catholic Faith, in the Eucharist and other heads could follow. They would have understood that the writings which they have treated with great reverence, because they believed them to have come from the ‘Fathers’, were indeed detestable.

It is no wonder that so many impious writings were not in former times suspected of impiety. They lay hid on the shelves of libraries. They were brought out in a furtive and secret manner, and by degrees. Very few men knew anything of them. But now in our day, when a great number of similarly impious writings are in the hands of all, not only in France, but also in Belgium, Germany, England, and elsewhere, shall no one censure them? Can you wonder at the stupor of former ages – from the fourteenth, in which I think these writings were framed- and or wonder at the stupor of our contemporaries? Can you wonder that the Church has not pronounced on these matters, seeing that the writings in question have never been brought before the tribunal of the Church?  Neither the Church – that is the supreme Pontiff – nor a Council gives judgment upon books, unless there has been a proper judicial interpellation.

 

I say that before the present the vast fraud could not be detected. No one could persuade himself or make others believe that all monuments are false and suppositions that had been believed to have been written in some fifteen former ages, unless he had studied them with sedulous attention. The whole system of the impious crew, of which each student took up his own part, could not be understood except by the diligent consideration of each and every part of it. But it is only in our own time that nearly all the writing have been brought forth from the Libraries. They are of the same kind with those  extant, as will be readily understood by any one who is convinced of the falsity of those in our hands.

 

The Catholics, then, could not readily recognize the impieties in these writings, nor could the Heretics lay open what they had discovered. Both acknowledge the alleged ‘Fathers’. The Catholics were not at liberty altogether to repudiate them; that their Sons might not be said to depart from the ‘Fathers’ Nor did it occur to the Heretics to cast off writers who supported, as they knew, their own impious hypothesis. Moreover, their object was to show that they were not of recent origin, that they were not the fancies of new doctrines; and they needed the suffrages of these alleged witnesses.

Surely Catholic prelates ought to permit me, or any better man, to detect the mystery of iniquity, and bring it into the open light of day. Otherwise they may well fear lest some impious adversary come forward and publish the wicked doctrines in the monuments of the alleged ‘Fathers,’ and find support among men, who do not wish to toil as they toiled in getting up Editions, nor acquire the ill repute connected with evil and impious doctrine, whether it be not understood, or which is worse, championed and defended. Soon, unless God avert the ill, the whole Christian world will become atheist against its will.

Assuredly it is all but necessary that a member of the Society of Jesus should detect this wicked craft and malice. For there is scarce another Family of the Priesthood which has not been deceived by some notable book offered to it under the name of some distinguished man in that Family; which book it has forthwith decreed by all means and arts to defend. Thus the Dominicans have ‘Thomas Aquinas, ‘Vincent of Beauvais,’ ‘Moneta’, ‘Reiner,’ and others. The Franciscans have ‘Bonaventura, Alensis, ‘Scotus’. The Carmelites have ‘Thomas Walden.’ Other families have other names.

But the Benedictines have a whole legion of them.

Therefore, if at any time the holy Apostolic See would pronounce a judgment on my censure against ‘Augustine,’ ‘Bernard,’ and ‘Thomas’ (these three writers by the help of God I have dispatched; also most of the Councils; I am going to deal with other matters in like manner, while life lasts); I say when that day, greatly desired by me, shall come, let not the Holy See admit  consultation members of any Regular Family, which thinks it has produced from its bosom any of those old writers, and which desires to preserve them at any price. Let the Holy See employ Secular Theologians, or men of incorrupt integrity out of those very Families, who will look after the good of Religion alone. Let them desire preserve her alone, though all else perish.

The providence of God has hitherto permitted quarrels of Theologians on the opinions of Augustine, Thomas, etc. God cares little about controversies of that kind so long as the faith continues sound and whole, the faith which is necessary for all to salvation. In this faith neither can He suffer the Roman Church, nor has He suffered the Catholic Theologians to err. Meanwhile, not one of those works has been approved by the Apostolic See ex cathedra, - that is, after examination instituted and the hearing of advocates on either side on the question of the falsity or sincerity of these works. Enough for the Roman Church  her own faith, her own tradition, without the help of ‘Augustine.’ Or any other private person whatever. She derives her authority an her magisterial power from none, except Christ and the Holy Spirit promised to her; she should be taught by none, she should teach all, as Mother and Mistress. Nothing so strongly proves the authority of the Roman Church and the providence of God in conserving the true faith through the Holy Apostolic See, as the fact that she has never been corrupted, and will never suffer herself to be corrupted by so many great names of distinguished writers, whether Greek or Latin.

 

Thirty-six years ago, in the year 1693, and afterwards on more than one occasion I declared that the spuriousness of the ‘old writers’ had become most plain and obvious to me. Then certain Catholics, good and well-meaning men, but of no large views, raised a cry against me. They did not observe that the Calvinists of Holland or Germany vociferated much more loudly. They, forsooth, well knew that if ‘Augustine’ were snatched from them – if he were convicted of atheism – their famous phrase    ‘All Augustine is ours’ would bear this sense- ‘A scoundrel and a foe of he true Deity is all for us.’ In point of fact, the fellow who assumed and bears the name of ‘Augustine’; teaches absolute atheism under the guise of Christian language.

Some one may say, ‘Are you then wiser than so many men of genius, who read the old writings, and did not observe that they were impious?’ I will answer in the words of one of that wicked crew itself, in those forsooth, of Lactantius book ii, chapter 8:-

Above all, in a matter that is vital it behooves each man to consult himself and to rely on his own judgment and proper senses for the purpose of considering and investigating the truth, rather than to be deceived by the errors of others, as if himself devoid of reason. God gave to all a measure of wisdom, that they might investigate unheard-of things, and perpend things heard. Because you have had predecessors in time, it does not follow that they have succeeded you in wisdom, which, if it is given equally to all, cannot be wholly enjoyed by those who went before. To be wise, i.e., to seek the truth is innate in all; and therefore they cease to be wise who, without any judgment, approved what our ancestors invented, and are led like cattle by others. They are deceived in this, that under the influence of the name of ‘elders and ancestors,’ they do not think that they can be wiser, because they are later, or that others are foolish, having the name of ‘elders.’ What hinders that we should take examples from themselves; so that even as those who made false inventions handed down them down to posterity, so we who find the truth should hand down better things to our posterity?’

To listen to this, nothing assuredly incites us but the desire of seeing the truth, which is contained in the one most Holy Catholic religion.

|But it will be asked, ‘Why are so many literary monuments attacked, which have been received in good faith by so many ages?’ Is there so much good in those errors, or is so much evil feared, if the truth should be laid open, as there is in the fact that Books should be in the hands and before the eyes of all, which have been written by a gang of men, enemies to the Catholic truth – and written with no other design than to remove God entirely from the world, and to overthrow the whole of the doctrines of the Christian faith? Those books foster, and will foster, endless and interminable quarrels in the Church, until their nature and quality are recognized. If one should make clearer than the light of noon that the rise and birth of them fell within the last 400 years – that is, in the fourteenth century- would this be a light boon to Christendom?  Should it not be preferred to any other gain, if any other there could be?

Why did God so long delay the exposure of the fraud? The answer is, He suffered it to be committed that He might one day triumph over it; and he delayed to show it to Catholics until as I have said, all the books, or at least the greater part, and the most important books had been brought out of the Libraries, had been fairly edited and could be conveniently read and understood, and tested by the marginal references. This has come to pass in our own time; hardly before. How helpful are these aids to students, students well know. I judge them to be so important that, before they we afforded, I do not believe the designs of the wicked crew could have been detected

In was the month of August, 1690, that I began to scent fraud in Augustine and his contemporaries; in the month of November I suspected the same in all; and I detected the whole  in the month of May, 1692, after I had written down long extracts from particular Greek and Latin writers. In this labor I toiled almost to the point of disgust and weariness, though I had often moments of great delight in the discovery of the truth.

On the question of the good faith of ‘Cyril, Theodore, Augustine, Jerome’ and others, special treatises have been published, and the strife is not yet at an end. If one were to make clear that the authors of such strife emerged from the infernal regions into the world about 400 years ago, to pursue their ill design of publishing the impious writings under the names of the Saints and others – ought you not to thank such a man, if he proves the point by perspicuous arguments? For who would undertake the advocacy of impious writings?


Part II

The Royal Psalmist, singing ‘The Heavens do tell, etc., and the Wise Man, chapter xiii 3-5, and Paul, and other sacred books, prove that God exists from His admirable works; that is, they teach of a Workman distinct from His works, and that by a real distinction, the greatest conceivable – no distinction alone, but real separability. He exists infinite ages before the world that he made; and He can will forever to annihilate the same. None of those writers, none of those falsely named ‘Fathers’ proved the existence of God by this argument – that all things hold together by the Truth by which they are formally true; or from this argument, that there is a certain universal Reason, the Light of rational minds. But such was New Gospel of the false ‘Fathers.’

By the great Providence of God it came to pass that they whom the Lord Christ desired to be the first Doctors of the Church were common men, plebeians, men of the lowest vulgar herd. For if he had chosen out Philosophers, or other men of the highest ability, there would now be the greatest temptation in the Church, and occasion of suspicion –whether what ought to be understood by the name of God is not that rather which is expounded in the writings of the false ‘Fathers’; and is greedily taken out of them – the Essence of Essences and as the new philosophers and Jansenists say- rather than what we Catholics worship.

God provided against this evil. First he sent Moses, to teach the true God as creator of Nature. Afterwards he sent Christ, who as a greater prophet should teach greater things in God. He taught that God could do many things above Nature, much greater things than he did in creation; that he subsisted in a sublimer manner than he who was known by the Jews. God made nothing in vain. It was necessary that Christ should teach us the three Persons in God, that he should make known and require belief in the miracle of the Eucharist. Otherwise, credence would readily be given to the falsely called ‘Fathers’; and new atheists ,that there was no other God than theirs; if there was nothing in the world that does not appear to have been made according to the laws of motion and mechanics – immutable laws which nature follows, as they reason.

But in reply to this it must be said that Atheists cannot fit their Nature or Essences of Essences, or the Laws of Motion, the Ternary number of Persons, who are really distinct from one another, because of the double vital operation of intellect and will. The Miracle in the perpetual and continuous reproduction of the Body of Christ under the species of Bread, the former substance being destroyed, infers that God must be other than the Nature of Things, the Essence of Essences, and Truth or formal Reality of Things. Both these propositions had to be laid before the faithful that they might understand that the deity proposed for worship by the faithful was not the object of worship which they themselves had learned from Moses, and Christ, and the Apostles and their own ancestors and elders. For Nature and Truth can do nothing but what the human mind can conceive; cannot subsist in any manner beyond our intelligence. That the faith of the true God might be preserved and conserved, it behooved that greater things should be revealed to the Christians concerning Him than to the Jews. Especially God foresaw what has actually happened, that the Rabbis of the Jews would be, many of them, carried away into that Atheism – deceived by the Cabbalistic books, which the same impious crew conflicted in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.

 

Tuesday, November 8, 2022

Jesuits' Enlightenment & the Accomodation Controversy by Markus Friedrich


 

The  new zeitgeist was undeniably more present in the Society of Jesus than is often claimed. There was even a group of Jesuit scholars at the Collegio Romano in the early eighteenth century who were open to the new ideas of the day. One of them was the gifted professor of physics and philosophy Giulio Gori ( 1686-1764). In his view, the received theological and philosophical positions were soon to be shipwrecked:

 

The sails of the old philosophy are already torn in more than one place, and the ship, although not yet broken up, is still yawning somewhat at the bows and is no longer capable of sailing unknown waters to discover new lands. It is forced to survive on what it already has . . .The hatred that the old-timers have for the new teachings they loath and their unwillingness to change their position are not, as some think, obstinacy of spirit .  . .but rather the impotence of a mind that can no longer learn anything new.

 

In light of such diagnosis, many Jesuit philosophers resolved to seize on and repurpose transferable aspects of the new philosophy for a Catholic Enlightenment. What was ‘new’ did not necessarily have to be contrasted with the transmitted ‘old’ as praiseworthy ‘Innovation’- instead, it was simply adapted so that the Jesuits became de facto participants in the philosophes’ debate without proclaiming their rejection of the old traditions. In this way, many French Jesuits came into contact with at least sections of the philosophy of John Locke. In similarly selective fashion, Bertold Hauser in Dollingen cited the Lutheran natural law thinker and German philosophe Christian Wolff positively and without reservations around 1750.* His confrere Benedict Stattler utilized Enlightenment philosophy to develop a new form of Catholic theology that was intended to be acceptable to Protestants. Sisismund von Storchenau,  who continued working as a philosophical author and teacher even after the banning of the Order in 1773, was also a friend and influential propagator of Wolff’s philosophy. Storchenau tried to adapt arguments of the more radical Enlightenment that potentially undermined religion and integrate them into a traditional ecclesiastical model.

 

The Jesuits, moreover, were very much alive to the fact that the ‘Enlightenment’ was more than a body of ideas and convictions. To be ‘enlightened’ also meant reading journals, discussing in salons, being ‘gallant’ and cultured, and being able to talk about major subjects in a pleasantly entertaining fashion. The European Enlightenment was a culture, a milieu, a self-conception, a habitus, a style, away of life. The absolute supremacy of antiquity as a model, which had held firm in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, began to crumble – the ‘modern’ style, as it was called, increasingly prevailed over ‘the ancients’ in ethics, culture, and language. The cultural openness of many Jesuits ensured that they easily came to terms with the new social ideas of the Enlightenment.

 

Personal relations between men of the Society and important thinkers of the new movement were accordingly common. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, for example, has good contacts with members of the order. Yves-Marie Andre (1675-1764) was a friend and companion of Malebranche. Guillaume-Francois Berthier cultivated  Jean-Jacques Rousseau as a contact; although by no means uncritical of Rousseau, Berthier showed genuine affections and appreciation. In Spain in 1744, the Jesuit Andres Marcos Burriel became one of the most important correspondents and personal friends of Gregorio Mayans, the leading proponent of the Spanish  Enlightenment. Even Voltaire, who had attended the Jesuit college of La Fleche, confided as a young man in his ‘paternal’ teacher Rene-Joseph Tournemine ( 1661-1739) in difficult situations after his schooldays. He turned to the Jesuit for advice and support in late 1713, for example, when he was desperately in love with Catherine Olympe du Noyer and had been disinherited by his father for that very reason. The tone of the Jesuits’ reception of Voltaire remained friendly and laudatory until the 1740s, when the Society clashed with its former pupil on account of his theological radicalization. Roughly contemporaneously, Charles Secondat de Montesquieu also maintained friendship with Jesuits, with Louis-Bertrand Castel among his closest confidants. Montesquieu discussed writings and ideas with the Jesuit, although they also had differences of opinion and sometimes biting ridicule for one another. Still, Montesquieu valued Castel so highly that he – together with another Jesuit- were present at the philosopher’s deathbed as his confessor.

 

Montesquieu esteemed and like individual Jesuits, but he took a skeptical view of the Society as a whole. He had rather harsh words for other members of the order. His condemnation of Tournemine is a famous example. Montesquieu came away from a meeting with him only with an impression of ‘despotism and chicanery’ and other sources also report that Tournemine had a forceful personality and deliberately flouted the conventions of gallant society.

 

Montesquieu and Tournemine had clashed at an event typical of the Enlightenment: a meeting for learned and philosophical conversation, namely, the societe litteraire of Abbe Oliva, the librarian of the Duke of Rohan at the Hotel de Soubise. Such private discussion groups, which met informally, yet by invitation only, to discuss current intellectual topics, were a mainstay of Enlightenment sociability. Women frequently hosted such salons. Jesuits were regularly present, too . . .

 

Members of the Society of Jesus were not present only at these ‘little academies’: the real, often state-sponsored or at least state-sanctioned ‘major’ academies for the arts and sciences also gladly admitted Jesuits. The famous Royal Society in London, for example, counted the Jesuits Roger Boscovich and the aforementioned Castel; among its members and often published Jesuit scientific findings in its journal. Provincial academies in Rouen and Bordeaux admitted Jesuits. Even as late as 1758, a Jesuit, Joseph-Antoine Cerutti (1738-923) – who later joined the Revolution and served as Mirabeau’s secretary – won the Academie francaise’s prize for eloquence. Numerous Jesuits were viewed quite naturally as part of the intellectual community of the Enlightenment.

 

The Jesuits of the Age of Enlightenment also experimented with one of the new media formats of the day, the periodical press. From 1702 to 1776, the Lettres edificantes et curieuses published thirty-four volumes of letters and reports from Jesuit missionaries overseas. The Memoires de Trevoux, also based in Paris, appeared far more regularly, once a month. The Memoires consisted of reviews of contemporary works, literary notices, and book excerpts with commentary.. The Memoires de Travoux was by far the most successful scholarly journal of any Catholic religious order. There were highs and lows, of course, and internal conflicts among the collaborators, but the journal survived and gave voice to the Society’s views.

 

The Lettres edificantes inspired a long-lived parallel project in Germany titled Der Neue Welt-Bott- which likewise made mission reports available to a broad readership in edited form and in translations. In Poland in the mid-1730s, the Jesuits took over the weekly Kuryer Polski, the most important newspaper in the country. In a print run of a thousand copies, this paper shaped the market for news and information in the kingdom for the following decades. The Jesuits were also involved in the publication of the Monitor, a journal that followed the model of the English Spectator and adapted the format of Enlightenment weeklies. If one were attempt to summarize the Jesuits intellectual engagement with the ideas of the Enlightenment in the middle of the eighteenth century, a statement by Guillaume-Francois Berthier from 1747 could serve as a bellwether:

 

The new philosophers have earned just praise for relieving philosophy of certain scholastic entities, formalities, and other terms signifying nothing, with which, when one knows them and cites them in school in an authoritative tone, one persuades oneself of one’s own erudition. The new philosophers have often successfully destroyed, but they have not always built with the same success. Their new edifices – that is, these new systems vaunted so highly- lack the solidity of the ancient buildings of Roman Catholic architecture.

 

The Jesuits could, at least to some extent, understand the philosophes’ need for a new intellectual beginning;  they even could adapt some of their new ideas. But they also wanted ‘a mixture of the old and new,’ as Tommaso Ceva stated in 1722. The Jesuits therefore never made the Enlightenment completely their own. Hence, the Enlightenment also never became a part of the general self-conception and collective identity of the Society, as had been the case with the synthesis of late humanism and late scholasticism. The fundamental texts of the order – the Ratio studiorum, the Constitutions – we never adapted to the new culture. The official line still ranged from reserved to dismissive. Individual Jesuits nonetheless engaged in highly creative and productive ways with innovations of the Enlightenment and adapted significant parts of the new ideas in a moderate, theological, Catholic Enlightenment of their own.

 

This precious truce gradually gave way to open hostility after the mid-eighteenth century. The Jesuits lost their confident place in the Enlightenment, as the philosophes advertised the radical implications of the new culture ever more openly. The Jesuits and the Enlightenment thinkers increasingly stood opposed as hostile blocs. This was nowhere more evident than in the Society’s public battle with Denis Diderot and his Encyclopedie in 1751/2. Diderot’s great lexicon, which today is regarded as the epitome of the Enlightenment, attracted ample suspicion. It was considered a vehicle for atheist and heretical thought. Even leading proponents of the Enlightenment like Voltaire and Montesquieu were initially skeptical. The editor of the Memoires de Travoux at the time, Berthier, shared this critical attitude. In 1751 and 17523, he gave predominantly negative reviews of Diderot’s ‘Prospectus, ‘Discours preliminaire,’ and the first volume of the Encyclopedie. Berthier and other conservative authors criticized the fact that Diderot’s texts frequently contained radical ideas hidden in seemingly neutral and objective articles. Overall, this criticism was right on the mark. But the Jesuits around Berthier never lost sight of the fact that the new lexicon had powerful political supporters; they therefore steered an middle course that combined broad rejection with recognition of particular points.

 

These controversies escalated into a symbolic struggle between old and new forces for cultural and intellectual dominance. Opponents and supporters of the Enlightenment coalesced around the two parties. The criticism that the Jesuits and other members of the church leveled at the Encyclopedie forged the philosophes together in an alliance despite their respective differences and simultaneously radicalized them. As leaders of this ecclesiastical-religious countercurrent, the Jesuits became implicated in these highly prominent and polarizing public conflicts as the enemies of the Enlightenment.

 

The Jesuits could not shake this position in public life for the final decades of their existence prior to 1773. By midcentury at the latest, they were firmly in ther parti antiphilosophique –allowing for sporadic, individual exceptions mentioned previously – both in their own estimation and in that of most contemporaries. The Enlightenment, meanwhile, evolved into a broad, culturally dominant movement – and its proponents knew how to market themselves shrewdly to the public at large. Conflicts over forms of devotion, such as the veneration of the Sacred Heart, and over school reform catalyzed the process of the Jesuits cultural marginalization. Growing enmity and even more negative stereotypes about the Jesuits split the intellectual elite of Europe. Supporters and opponents of the Enlightenment squared off as ideological adversaries in increasingly implacable opposition.

 

 

II. The Debate Over Jesuit ‘Accommodation’

 

The expulsion of the Jesuits from China in 1724 was a consequence of constant disputes over the methods used by the Jesuit missions. Across the world and almost from the start, the Jesuits were criticized for their Christianizing methods. In Brazil, just three years after the arrival of Manuel da Nobrega, a bitter feud broke out between the Jesuits and the first bishop of Bahia, Dom Pedro Fernandes Sardinha. The bishop was displeased with how accommodating the Jesuits were towards the natives. They permitted the natives to sing their ‘heathen’ songs and keep their ‘heathen’ hairstyles, and they relied on mestizos as translators. The Jesuits were not at all sufficiently strict and consistent in his view. ‘I did not come here to make gentiles out of Christians, but to train gentiles to be Christians,’ the bishop stated. The Jesuits would hear these accusations again and again  in countless iterations over the next two centuries.

 

Many Jesuits believed, on the contrary, that the success of their mission depended on their willingness to accommodate local preference. They vocally defended this approach. Da Nobrega thought it was permissible ‘to adopt some indigenous customs that are not contrary to our Catholic faith and are not rites dedicated to idols.’ The first Jesuit missionary to Vietnam, Francesco Buzomi, likewise thought in 1628 that one should propagate the faith first and worry about publicizing prohibitions later. A clear, practical insight lay behind this approach: it was impossible to change everything all at once, and some things perhaps need not be changed at all: ‘Our indulgence and goodwill towards such customs enable us to suppress other, much worse customs.’ In everyday practice, the mission involved a constant cost-benefit analysis, even though that often tangled up in intellectual quandaries. The nudity of many South American indigenous peoples, for example, was a difficult case. Da Nobrega himself was initially inclined to tolerate it, despite that he considered it a violation of natural law: ‘Because they come naked, should one deny them baptism and access to the church to hear mass and teaching, if they are otherwise prepared for it?’ In contrast to the stricter bishop, da Nobrega leaned towards compromise for pragmatic reasons.

 

Fifty years later, colleagues in India like the missionary Roberto de Nobili agreed. In de Nobili’s young community tt was not nudity but rather a certain clothing practice that was the problem. The Brahmin in Maurai wore threads across their bodies to indicate their social status and caste. Some of the Portuguese wanted to suppress the custom, suspecting that it was bases on ‘superstition.’ De Nobili retorted,

 

It is undeniable that these men find themselves in a painful dilemma. If they refuse to believe, they risk falling into the greatest of spiritual evils, the loss of their soul, if they embrace the faith and do not wear the threads, they incur the greatest temporal evils, the loss of personal dignity, and the forfeiture of their family goods and property. What sort of philosophy is this? Is it thinkable that for the sake of a trivial and false opinion put forward by a few men, it would be necessary to ordain that these converts of ours should subject themselves inevitably to either of these evils?

 

De Nobili not only let his Brahmin converts keep their threads but also attempted to raise his chances of successful converting the Indian population by presenting himself as a Brahmin. One contemporary reported, ‘He wore velvet slippers which people would kiss, he bathed twice a day before meals as Brahmins do, but without reciting prayers  . .   this he did not do out of love of cleanliness, but to show himself as a Brahmin, and when he went out, he used to go in a palanquim.’ Analogously, Matteo Ricci in China was soon also being carried in a litter like a distinguished Confucian scholar. And likewise viewed this accommodation to local customs as the most promising way to raise the level of acceptance shown the missionaries. By changing their appearance and way of life, the Jesuits fit more comfortably in the world view of their hosts and improved their chances of being heard.

 

The debate over strictness versus leniency in engaging with non- Christian cultures had a long tradition in Christianity. Essentially, these two opposing attitudes existed since the days of the apostles. ‘Accommodation’, adapting to local conditions, was also not a unique feature of the Society of Jesus in the early modern period. Many missionaries from other religious orders later saw things similarly. And even contemporaries acknowledged that, in addition to Manuel da Nobrega, it was the triumvirate of Jesuit missionaries in Asia – Alessandro Valignano, Matteo Ricci, and Robero de Nobili – who had pioneered this approach in an especially prominent and precedent-setting way. The question thus remains as to why the missionaries from the Society of Jesus in particular were so willing to adapt to strange new environments and able to integrate  into new social conditions. The widest variety of reasons have been offered as answers, the Jesuits have been mistaken for the early advocates of religious inculturation or even of ‘interreligious dialogue.’

 

Such exaggerated interpretations do not bring us forward. In most cases, there is far less theory and far more pragmatism behind the Jesuit missionaries’ method. Concepts of cultural –let alone religious- relativity were as alien to few Nobili as they were to Ricci or da Nobrega. The early modern Jesuits were and remained firmly convinced that Christianity was the exclusive truth that led to salvation. In the Jesuits’ view, the practices that they accommodatingly tolerated were precisely not the religion of the Indians, Chinese or Tupi. Their approach was calculated much more, rather, to lead people of different faiths to Christianity. There was no place in their views for ideas of necessarily adapting essential Christian truths to cultural contexts. . .

 

The Jesuits pastoral ministry, with its therapeutic orientation and broad focus on edification, consolation, and positive guidance, and the Jesuits’ relatively positive theological view of mankind may have bolstered their inclination to look for ways to cooperate with non-Christian cultures.

 

We may also point to the fact that de Nobili, and Valignano, among others, came from the nobility. The aristocratic courtly culture of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries attached the utmost importance to courteous behavior. For nobles like them, it was second nature to play a variety of social roles without losing oneself. This skill was mandatory for life at court and also helped the missionaries adapt their appearance. The effortlessness with which de Nobili grasped the strict social differentiation between cases according to outward symbols may also have been connected to his roots as a nobleman in the European society of estates. At bottom, arrangements in India may not have looked so different from the social reality of Europe, where distinctions of social status could clearly be seen at many religious events.

 

The Jesuits’ outstanding education in ancient rhetoric may have encouraged and reinforced such views. It had long been a basic principle of humanistic rhetoric that one should key one’s speeches to the circumstances and audience.. From there, it was only a short step to viewing a missionary’s appearance, his actio, as something that also needed to be calibrated. Another legacy of late humanist scholarly practice was the Jesuits’ adroitness at reconciling non-Christian texts with Christianity – theoretically, what they did every day with Aristotle and Cicero could also work with Confucius and Hindu treatises.

 

Jesuits therefore felt their overall approach was justified because they judged foreign cultures and their ways of life only on the basis of the most diligent scholarly assessment; ‘It is risky to pronounce on the customs of people here, unless a person has first diligently gone through their books and familiarized himself with these same customs and usages, guided by knowledge of their origin and source’. In this case, spiritual reflections about missionary strategies productively collided with Jesuits’ enthusiasm for scientific observation. Their superior knowledge of indigenous cultures was one of the Jesuits most important weapons because they used all their expertise to differentiate the many customs known to them into those that were merely ‘secular’; and those that were truly ‘religious’ or ‘heathen’ or ‘superstitious. “Secular’ or social conventions could be tolerated, whereas the Jesuits banned genuinely ‘heathen’ practices as a matter of course. The Jesuits willingness to draw this distinction between religious and social, spiritual and cultural spheres, and to divide indigenous customs into those that were prohibited and the many others that were allowed, were among the key intellectual foundations of their way of proceeding worldwide. Whoever questioned this distinction, from the Jesuits perspective, merely proved that he had not yet familiarized himself sufficiently with local culture. ‘As soon as they see the Christians depart a little bit from the customs of Spain, they think it is all heathenism and idolatry. They don’t know how to distinguish between a pagoda and a heathen cult from the custom of a country or province.’ Whoever failed to accept this distinction, failed to temper ‘zeal’ with ‘knowledge.’ The scientific analysis of indigenous cultures facilitated and legitimated cultural adaptation, while Christian rigorism appeared to be symptomatic of ignorance.

 

The Jesuits’ adversaries obviously rejected this position. They were more intransigent and rigorous, and they considered it indispensable for religious reasons to implement as a complete version of European Christianity as possible among the ‘heathen.’ It all depended on whether one made the distinction that Jesuits drew between religious and civil, spiritual and social conventions. And it was precisely this question in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that ignited a bitter international debate that far surpassed in duration, impact, and importance earlier conflicts of a similar nature.

 

    The missions in Madurai/Malabar and China stood in the eye of the storm .  .  .

 

 

* https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christian_Wolff_(philosopher)

Thursday, October 27, 2022

Dr. Ezra Ripley by Ralph Waldo Emerson


 

Sept. 21. Dr. Ripley died this morning. The fall of this oak of ninety years makes some sensation in the forest old & doomed as it was. He has identified himself with the forms at least of the old church of the New England Puritans; his nature was eminently loyal, not in the least adventurous or democratical & his whole being leaned backward on the departed so that he seemed one of the rearguard of this great camp & army which have filled the world with fame & with him passes out of sight almost the last banner & guide’s flag of a mighty epoch. For these men however in our last days they have declined into ritualists, solemnized the heyday of their strength by the planting & liberating of America.

Great, grim, earnest men I belong by natural affinity to other thoughts & schools than yours but my affection hovers respectfully about your retiring footprints, your unpainted churches, street platforms &  sad offices, the iron-gray deacon & the wearisome prayer rich with the diction of ages. Well the new is only the seed of the old. What is this abolition & non-resistance & temperance but the continuation of Puritanism tho’ it operate inevitably the destruction of the church in which it grew, as the new is always making the old superfluous.

Dr. R was a gentleman, no dandy: courtly, hospitable, manly, public spirited: his nature social, his house open to all men. Mr. R. H., I remember, said ‘No horse from the eastern country would go by his gate.’ His brow serene & open for he had no studies, no occupations which company could interrupt. To see his friends unloosed his tongue & talents: they were his study. His talk was chiefly narrative: a man of anecdote he told his stories admirably well. Indeed all his speech was form &pertinence itself. There was no architect of sentences who built them so well. In private discourse or in debate of the more public kind the structure of his speech was perfect, so neat, so natural, so terse, no superfluous clause, his words fell like stones & commonly tho’ quite unconscious of it his speech was a satire on the loose, voluminous, draggletail periods of other speakers. He sat own when he was done. A foresight he had when he opened his mouth of all that he would say & and he marched straight to the conclusion. E. B. E. used to say that ‘a man who could tell a story so well was company for kings & John Quincy Adams.’

His knowledge was an external experience, an Indian wisdom, the observation of such facts as country life for nearly a hundred years could supply. He sympathized with the cow, the horse, the sheep, & the dog whose habits he had watched for so long &  so friendly. For those who do not separate poetry blend it with things. His eye was always on the horizon  & he knew the weather like a sea captain. All the plain facts of humanity, - birth, marriage, sickness, death, the common temptations, the common ambitions, - he knew them all & sympathized so well that as long as the fact was quite low & external he was very good company & counsel, but he never divined, never speculated, & you might as well ask his hill to understand or sympathize with an extraordinary state of mind, an enthusiasm or an Idea as ask him. What he did not, he affected not to do. There was no nonsense about him. He was always sincere, & true to his mark & his mark was never remote. But his conversation was always strictly personal & and apt to the party & the occasion. An eminent skill he had in saying difficult & unspeakable things, saying to a man or woman that which all his other friends abstained from saying, uncovering the bandages from the sore place & applying the surgeon’s knife with a truly surgical skill. Was a man a sot or too long a bachelor, or suspected of some secret crime or had quarreled with his wife or collared his father or was there any cloud  or suspicious circumstance in his behavior the doctor leaped on the quarry like a hunter on his game. He thought himself entitled to an explanation & whatever relief to one or both parties plain speech could effect that was procured. Right manly he was & the manly thing he could always say.

When Put. Meriam that graduate of the State Prison had the effrontery to call within the last year on the Doctor as an old acquaintance, in the midst of general conversation Mr. Frost came in & and the Doctor presently said, ‘Mr. Meriam, here is my brother and colleague Mr. Frost, has come to take tea with me. I regret very much the causes you know very well, that make it impossible for me to ask you to stay & take bread with us.” For the man had for years been setting at defiance every thing which the Doctor esteemed social & sacred . Another man might easily have taken another view of his duty but with the doctor’s views it was a matter of religion to say as much. I like very well his speech to Charles M. at the funeral of his father. Mr. M. was supposed to be in bad habits when his father died. ‘Sir, I console with you; Madam I condole with you; Sir, I knew your great grandfather. When I came to this town, your great grandfather was a substantial farmer in this very place & an excellent citizen. Your grandfather followed him & was a virtuous man. Now your father has gone to his grave full of labors & virtues. There is none of that large family left, but you, and it rests with you to bear up the good name & usefulness  of your ancestors. If you fail –Ichabod – the glory is departed. - &c. &c.

He was the more competent to these searching discourses from his long family knowledge. He knew everybody’s grandfather. This day has perished more history, more local & personal anecdote for this village & vicinity than in any ten men who have died in it before. He was the patriarch of all the tribe and his manners had a natural dignity that comported with his office. The same skill of speech made him incomparable in his parochial visits ad in his exhortations & prayers with the sick & mourners. He gave himself up to his feeling & and said the best things in the world much like Protogenes throwing the brush in the dog’s mouth he had been painting.** Many & many a felicity he had in his prayer now forever lost which eclipsed all the rules of all the rhetoricians. He did not know when he was good in prayer or sermon, for he had no literature & no art. But he believed & therefore spoke. He was sincere in his attachments to forms & he was the genuine fruit of a ritual church. The incarnation of the platform of the Puritan Church. A modern Israelite, a believer in the Genius of Jehovah of the Jews to the very letter. His prayers for rain & against lightning, ‘that it may not lick our spirits,’ & for good weather & against ‘these violent sudden changes’ and against sickness & insanity & the like, all will remember.
I remember his pleading almost reproachful looks at the sky when the thunder-gust was coming to spoil his hay – ‘We are in the Lord’s hands,’ he said & and seemed to say ‘You know me: this field is mine, Dr. Ripley’s thine own servant.’

 He was a punctual fulfiller of all duties. What order! What prudence! No waste & no stint. Always open handed; just & generous. My little boy a week ago carried him a peach in a calabash but the calabash brought home two pears. I carried him melons in a basket but the basket came him with apples. He subscribed to all charities; he was the most public spirited person in this town; and he gave the land for the monument. He knew the value of a dollar as well as another man. Yet he always sold cheaper than any other man. If the fire bell rang he was on horseback in a minute & away with his bucket and bag.

Wo that the linden & vine should bloom
And a just man be gathered to the tomb.

But out of his own ground he was not good for aught. To talk with the insane he was mad as they; to speculate with the thoughtful & and the haters of form he was lost & foolish. He was credulous & the dupe of Colonizationist or Antipapist or any charlatan of iron combs or tractors or phrenology of magnetism who went by. Credulous & opinionative, a great brow beater of the poor old fathers who still survived from the Nineteenth of April in order to make them testify to his history  as he had written it. A man of no enthusiasm, no sentiment. His horror at the doctrine of non-resistance was amusing, for he actually believed that once abrogate the laws, promiscuous union of the sexes would instantly take place!

 

He was a very easy man to read, for his whole life & conversation was consistent and transparent: all his opinions & actions might certainly be predicted by any one who had good opportunities of seeing him. In college, F King told me from Governor Gore who was the Doctor’s classmate, he was called ‘Holy Ripley,’ perhaps in derision, perhaps in sadness. And now in his old age when all the antique Hebraism & customs are going to pieces it is fit he too should depart, most fit that in the fall of laws a loyal man should die.

Shall I not say in general, of him, that, given his constitution, his life was harmonious & perfect.

His body is a handsome & noble spectacle. My mother was moved just now to call it ‘the beauty of the dead.’ He looks like a sachem fallen in the forest, or rather like ‘a warrior taking his rest with his martial cloak around him.” I carried Waldo to see him & and he testified neither repulsion nor surprise, but only the quiet curiosity. He was ninety years old the last May, yet his face has the tension & resolution of vigorous manhood. He  has been a very temperate man.

A man is but a little thing in the midst of these great objects of nature, the mountains, the clouds, and the cope of the horizon & the globes of heaven, yet a man by moral quality may abolish all thoughts of magnitude & and in his manner equal the majesty of the world.


** According to accounts in Pliny and elsewhere, the 4th century Rhodian painter Protogenes, dissatisfied with a painting of a dog he has been working on, threw a sponge at it in disgust; by chance, the sponge hit the dog’s mouth, producing the foaming effect he had desired.

"The Doctrine of Necessity or Destiny is the doctrine of Tolerance but every moment whilst we think of this offending person that he is ridden by the devil & go to pity him comes in our sensibility to persuade us that the person is the devil, then the poison works, the devil jumps on our neck & back again wilder on the other; jumps from neck to neck, & the kingdom of hell comes in.’

Ezra Ripley (1751-1841) was born in Woodstock, Connecticut, the fifth of 19 children. He graduated from Harvard in 1776. Two years later, he was ordained minister of the First Church on Concord, taking over from Emerson’;\s recently deceased grandfather, William, whose widow, Phebe Bliss, he soon married, and whose son – Emerson’s father – he would go on the raise. He would serve as pastor of the First Church for almost 63 years, in 1834, he invited Emerson and his mother, Ruth, to live with him in Concord’s Old Manse, where Emerson remained until his marriage the next year, working on the essay Nature (1836). ‘He ever reminds one’, Emerson noted during his stay there, ‘both his wisdom & in the faults of his intellect, of an Indian Sagamore, a sage within the limits of his own observation, a child beyond. ‘ After his death, Emerson wrote, ‘I am sure all who remember .  .  . will associate his form with whatever was grave and droll in the old, cold, unpainted, uncarpeted, square-pewed meetinghouse.’







Ralph Waldo Emerson; Selected Journals 1841-1877; Lawrence Rosenwald , editor. Library of America. Journal G. 1842